Public sentiment remains sharply divided on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s leadership style. Is he a decisive reformer or an indecisive leader caught in a whirlwind of conflicting expectations? The answer depends on where one stands—and more so, on what one chooses to see.
Many Nigerians have questioned the president’s delay in appointing ministers, ambassadors, and governing boards for federal agencies—actions often considered among the most basic administrative functions. These are not herculean tasks like revamping national infrastructure, tackling insecurity, or recalibrating a strained economy. They’re procedural, expected, and essential to keeping the machinery of governance humming. Yet the delays lingered, prompting a wave of skepticism.
On the flip side, others cite the president’s bold moves—swift dismissals, policy reversals, and prompt reactions to public outrage—as a sign of steel resolve. In a political culture where backtracking is viewed as weakness, President Tinubu has, in some cases, stood apart, embracing course correction not as a flaw but as a feature of adaptive leadership.
Take, for instance, the whirlwind surrounding federal tertiary institutions. On May 18, 2024, the federal government named governing councils for 111 universities and colleges. The plan was to inaugurate them by the end of May. But within five days, the announcement was halted. The reason? Public complaints, widespread dissatisfaction, and a perceived lack of fairness. What followed was a thorough review and a restructured list that arguably became one of the most balanced and inclusive in recent memory—giving every state a voice, not just as members but also as board chairs.
President Tinubu didn’t stop there. In October 2023, he revoked the appointment of 24-year-old Imam Kashim as chairman of FERMA shortly after it was announced. Similar reversals followed: Halima Shehu was removed as head of NSIPA; Ramatu Yar’Adua was ousted from the National Commission for Museums and Monuments within three months; and Wike’s former chief of staff was dropped as MD of the Ogun-Osun River Basin Authority just two weeks into the role. Each action drew criticism and praise in equal measure.
Perhaps the most dramatic changes have come within the educational sector. From Vice Chancellors to Ministers, heads have rolled. Dr. Betta Edu, once hailed as a rising star, was removed as Minister of Humanitarian Affairs. So too was Prof. Mamman Tahir, former Minister of Education. A state of emergency was declared in Rivers State. University councils were dissolved. New acting Vice-Chancellors installed.
At Yakubu Gowon University, Professor Aisha Maikudi was replaced by Professor Lar Patricia Manko. At UNN, Professor Polycarp Emeka Chigbu made way for Professor Oguejiofu T. Ujam. At Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Professor Bernard Odoh stepped down, while Professor Joseph Ikechebelu was reinstated. All of these came under President Tinubu’s authority, citing legal irregularities and friction between the Senate and the Council.
New Pro-Chancellors were also appointed: Senator Lanre Tejuoso (Yakubu Gowon University), Engineer Olubunmi Kayode Ojo (UNN), Senator Joy Emordi (University of Agriculture), and Professor Zubairu Tajo Abdullahi (Federal University Lokoja). The moves were aimed at restoring governance and transparency—but not without controversy.
Some argue these swift appointments reflect effective leadership. Others counter that it was government indecision that created the vacuum, allowing tensions to fester and crises to erupt—particularly in cases like the University of Abuja.
There, the situation spiraled when outgoing Vice Chancellor Prof. Abdulrashid Na’Allah announced a vacancy before a legally empowered council had even been formed. The government subsequently appointed, AVM Kaita led council. This emboldened the local ASUU chapter to resist, demanding the advert for the vice-chancellor be revisited by the new council. Critics say Professor Aisha Maikudi capitalized on the confusion.anf contributed to controversy that affected her appointment as the substantive VC of the university.
A new policy by the Ministry of Education has since thrown fuel on the fire. A circular barred acting Vice Chancellors, Rectors, and Provosts from contesting for substantive positions while still in acting roles. Signed by Minister Dr. Maruf Tunji Alausa, the directive cites years of unfair advantage and behind-the-scenes maneuvering. If these individuals want to compete, they must first resign.
The policy is a well-intentioned attempt to level the playing field, enhance transparency, and curb abuses. Yet it raises thorny legal questions. Many argue that it contradicts the Universities (Miscellaneous Provisions) Amendment Act of 2003, which allows acting heads to apply for substantive roles. Is the ministry rewriting the law by decree? Is this rule applicable to all acting heads, or only those appointed by the federal ministry in the absence of a council? Ambiguity abounds.
Under the 2003 Act, an acting Vice Chancellor is recommended by the Senate and appointed by the Council. Their term is capped at six months. Substantive VCs, however, can only be removed by the Council. The Council itself can be dissolved by the President, often due to corruption, incompetence, or misconduct. The law is clear—until it’s not.
With governing councils often dissolved before their term ends, and acting Vice Chancellors appointed under murky conditions, Nigeria now has two classes of acting heads: those legally eligible to contest for permanent roles, and those barred by appointment letters or ministry directives. It’s a legal and political gray area—and it’s growing.
Dr. Tunji Alausa’s policy might bring reform, but it also risks infringing on constitutional rights and disrupting a delicate legal framework. While the effort to remove undue incumbency advantages is laudable, critics point out that a faster appointment of full councils could’ve resolved the problem without generating new controversies.
At its core, the current situation poses a paradox: in trying to fix the chaos, has the Ministry created more of it?
Only time—and perhaps the courts—can answer that.
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